THE SULTANIZATION OF UMNO LEADERS ~ by Hussein Abdul Hamid

Here's an excellent essay from blogger Hussein Abdul Hamid that expands on exactly what I've been saying in recent months about Umno...

OVER THE YEARS we have seen UMNO assuming the role that was once the prerogative of the Sultans of the various states in Malaysia. It was a process started by the British and ironically concluded by the Malays themselves, albeit through UMNO. These tendencies towards Sultanization have evolved over the years to what it is today – an UMNO president living in splendid isolation in a grandiose palace called Sri Perdana in Putrajaya, surrounded by all the trappings of wealth and power. But I am getting ahead of myself.

The quest by UMNO leaders towards their own Sultanization began with a partiality to ostentatious consumption: Zahid Hamidi's very costly watches, silk shirts, expensive suits, really expensive cars, and grand houses. Khir Toyo’s palace is the manifestation of these tendencies to a tee. The Prime Ministers motorcade, the legion of people that seems to surround him everywhere he goes, and the splendid, splendid office at Putrajaya is all par for the course. Of course, to maintain this lifestyle on their meager salaries as Ministers and YB’s means that they are all susceptible to corruption on a grand scale.

Personalization of authority

In Malaysia all power resides with the Prime Minister. In the state the Mentri Besar title says it all – BIG Minister. This concentration of power in the PM at the federal level and the MB at state level can only give rise to the politics of patronage and nepotism, as all largesse flows from these leaders. The wholesale change that is the norm whenever there is a change of these individuals gives rise to the ‘make hay while the sunshine’ mentality. So where the Sultan was ‘king’ in his state, it is now the Mentri Besar that dispenses favor to the Sultans – in business opportunities, in extending credit to pay gambling debts, in keeping under the lid the excesses of the Royal family.


Historical Identity

Like the Sultans who are normally descended from an immediate family tree – UMNO too are comfortable with accepting its leaders when they are descended from families closely associated with UMNO - possibly with the exception of Mahathir – because his Indian background precludes that possibility. But at times, even when your Father is a Class-A leader, his genius will skip a generation or two. How else can you explain Najib and his cousin Hishammuddin?

For now the Sultans still cling to being the head of religion in their own states. But we can see this too is increasingly becoming the function of the religious authorities – whose salaries and appointments are the function of the central government – controlled, for now, by UMNO. So, effectively, even in these areas UMNO will have a say if not absolute control to do as it wish – with just a passing nod to the Sultans as a mark of respect.

So in reality these UMNO leaders – have not only taken power from the Sultans but have also assumed the Sultanization of their own selves in the very mould of the Sultans that they have now deposed in everything but name.


The Malays have always been loyal to their Sultans and are expected to obey their commands unquestioningly. We are all aware what Hang Tuah had to do to appease his Sultan: kill a loyal friend, Hang Jebat. I do not think any Malay today would want to kill a loyal friend for a pretender to the throne that calls itself UMNO. Not when the Sultanization of these pretenders was done without due consideration of the rights and aspirations of the Rakyat.

Hussein Abdul Hamid

[First posted 23 September 2009, reposted 8 January 2014]

After UMNO elections: What next for Mahathir? ~ by KP Chee

Mahathir is a quick thinking political animal who believes he has an answer to every question and a solution for every problem. His visions of development are on a pharaonic scale and he is a law unto himself.  He has never concealed his disdain for democratic ideals, lamenting that the Great Unwashed are not quite ready to think for themselves. 

Having ensured while he was education minister that students be vigorously discouraged, if not disallowed, from independent thought, he secretly feels that the ignorant and dull-witted masses should not be allowed to vote. Elections, therefore, are seen as a necessary evil but - with a little help from a compliant election commission and national registration department - they can be circumvented by systematic gerrymandering, postal and phantom votes, and a heavily rigged electoral roll. So long as the votes are in his favor, Mahathir will tolerate the concept of a guided democracy.

Pushed to step down when he became a grave liability

To ensure that he remained in power indefinitely, he made the post of Umno president virtually unchallengeable. He sacked every deputy who posed a serious threat to his dominance, and promoted self-serving spineless sycophants to ministerial positions. He castrated the monarchy in 1983, thus paving the way to ultimately appointing himself lifetime President of a gleaming new Malaysian republic – but he knew he had to bide his time with this grandiose ambition.

Anwar Ibrahim, antidote to Mahathirism

Alas, he had not reckoned with the tenacity of his erstwhile deputy Anwar Ibrahim - whom he sacked in September 1998 and then proceeded to crucify with an unimaginably malicious campaign to forever destroy his reputation and career. Anwar stood his ground and maintained his dignity, despite being imprisoned for 6 years on fabricated charges. Mahathir’s vindictiveness backfired and Anwar’s popularity began to escalate, splitting the Malays into opposing camps.

On 31 October 2003 Mahathir was forced to step down because he had become a grave liability to Umno – or, rather Umno Baru, the ersatz party Mahathir conjured into being in 1988 through sheer sleight of hand. But that didn’t stop Mahathir from daydreaming of a political dynasty. After all, his political enemies had established their own dynasties – why should he not aspire to the same?

Frankenstein's monster

Abdullah Badawi

Working indefatigably behind the scenes Mahathir used his vast resources and an influential cabal of loyalists to undermine his successors, Abdullah Badawi and Najib Razak. Age was against Mahathir, so he would focus on ruling by proxy through his youngest son Mukhriz. Finally he managed to get Mukhriz, a political nonentity, appointed Mentri Besar of Kedah, Mahathir’s home state. The next step was to ensure Mukhriz a vice-presidency in Umno.

Despite all his efforts Mahathir has failed to get what he wants for his son Mukhriz. Like all megalomaniacs, Mahathir surrounded himself with devotees and worshipers, effectively insulating himself from the growing resentment and hostility of an increasingly well-informed electorate. His inflamed ego refused to accept the possibility that he was no longer relevant to the swiftly changing political landscape.

Umno Baru, the Frankenstein’s monster with a voracious appetite for instant riches that Dr Mahathir created, had acquired a will of its own and was no longer obedient to its creator.

Choosing between two evils - Hisham and Mukhriz

Now let us consider the winning candidates in Umno’s recent elections.

Zahid Hamidi

Zahid Hamidi had campaigned vigorously to win the elections. As newly appointed home minister, Zahid had the advantage of incumbency and he rode the wave of communal paranoia stirred up by Mahathir to keep the races divided and easily misruled.

Hishammuddin Hussein has a long and established family history in politics and government -plus he has Najib’s support and consent. The fact that he won by only a narrow margin indicates his failure to impress as a leader. Between Najib and Mahathir’s camps, the sentiment was less in Hishammuddin’s favor than it was against Mahathir getting his way – and the lion’s share of the goodies - once again.

Shafie Apdal is basically a lone ranger and a newbie in national politics but he has the advantage of being an important minister at the federal level and has been in that position for almost two terms. This is the main factor that enabled Shafie to build nationwide support among the grassroots.

Mukhriz Mahathir

Mukhriz Mahathir, on the other hand, was hesitant and only announced his candidacy at the last minute. He lacked self-confidence and could only resort to empty bluster. After entering the race he depended on his campaign manager, none other than his wily father, to promote him. As the youngest Mahathir scion, Mukhriz always had it easy. He made his fortune on business monopolies handed to him on a silver platter. So Mukhriz just sat back and hoped for the best.

Najib tricked Mahathir

Mahathir underestimated Najib, who cunningly appeased Mahathir by agreeing to Mukhriz’s appointment as Mentri Besar of Kedah, where he could play big fish in a small pond – but without national level support, Mukhriz was unlikely to make much of a splash in Umno Baru’s vice-presidential contest.

Mahathir has several strategies

Najib Razak

Until he achieves his objectives, Mahathir won’t leave well enough alone. That’s the nature of the vicious political beast in him - and he certainly won’t leave Najib Razak alone. Mahathir the Unstoppable may have officially relinquished the post of Umno Baru president and prime minister, but his unrelenting ego ensures that nothing short of death will bring his insatiable powerlust to an end. Even then, he will not quickly be forgotten, as the administrative mess he left behind will take at least another generation to sort out.

Those who thwart Mahathir’s will face the full force of his vengeance. The man who ruled with an iron hand for 22 years is now on a do-or-die mission to reinstate his political influence and protect his self-aggrandizing legacy.

Mahathir knows he cannot do it on his own

Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah

Mahathir cannot defeat Najib on his own. He must have a team, the same scenario that Ku Li used when challenging Mahathir, with Team A pitted against Team B.

Mahathir realizes that his power is diminishing by the day, and the first thing he must do is to consolidate whatever resources he still controls.

Since many of the UMNO leaders are now bowing to Najib and kissing his hand, Mahathir has to get help from outside UMNO: independent players, ultra-Malay NGOs and mercenary bloggers. He will have to spend a lot of money, which he can, of course, afford.

He will have to win the hearts of Najib’s enemies within Umno Baru. Fallen leaders like former Melaka Mentri Besar Ali Rustam who yearns to be restored to power and glory; Idris Jusoh, who covets the post of the Menteri Besar of Terengganu; and a handful who were offered obscure posts but dream of greater things. These are the ones who can be persuaded to be on Mahathir’s side.

Drawing strength from other stakeholders

Ultra-rightwing Malay NGO president Zaik Abdul Rahman 

Mahathir will welcome those in the business community who have been left out by Najib - and there are quite a few of them now. They too are waiting for Mahathir to do something to make the situation right for them because Najib and Rosmah have closed the doors in their faces.

Mahathir has to ensure that media like TV3 and Utusan will give him enough exposure to voice his thoughts, if not put him in the limelight so he can overshadow Najib. Mahathir still has his loyalists in these media - and he has to ‘persuade’ those who are pro-Najib to not totally ignore him.

Besides empowering himself, Mahathir has to weaken Najib by sabotaging his network and loosening his grip. Mahathir has no choice but to depend on previous scandals and any new ones that may crop up: revive the old ones and blow the new ones out of proportion.

Mahathir need not worry too much about getting external help to tarnish Najib’s image because numerous NGOs and the Opposition are already doing this.

Modus operandi - Attack, attack, attack

Mahathir now has to attack Najib by undermining Najib’s closest associates, his friends and family members. Mahathir will attempt to ridicule, if not disgrace, all of Najib’s appointees.

The dust hasn’t really settled on the recent Umno Baru elections. Not by a long shot.

[From Malaysia Chronicle, 27 October 2013]