Showing posts with label arrogance and stupidity of Umno. Show all posts
Showing posts with label arrogance and stupidity of Umno. Show all posts

Tuesday, September 25, 2018

ONE SURE WAY TO DESTROY A NATION (repost)

This timely and lucid essay by AB Sulaiman was lifted from Malaysiakini as a service to those who have no subscription and therefore cannot access it...

"I do not share the euphoria surrounding the formation of Perkasa. I do not see how its claim to protect race and religion can promote Malay socio-economic progress. Ibrahim Ali's declared intentions show all the promise of repeating the mistake and are an exercise in futility."

PERKASA - REBIRTH OF A DEMON


AB Sulaiman
March 10, 2010
7:31pm



The birth of Malay NGO Perkasa is obviously causing a stir in the Malaysian social, intellectual and political landscape.

It has a declared intention of acting as a "shield against those who question Malay rights, the royalty and Islam," according to its founding head and Independent MP Ibrahim Ali.


Ibrahim Ali (courtesy of The Malaysian Insider)

The target and philosophy is thereby made clear - to protect and promote the sanctity of Islam, the martabat (dignity and honour) of the Malay people, and the spirit of nationalism. This falls under the ideology and banner of untuk agama, bangsa dan negara (for religion, race and nation).

But hasn't the same philosophy and ideology been used by the Malay leadership in governing the country ever since Independence in 1957? Wasn't it adopted in the interests of Ketuanan Melayu (KM) after the launch of the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1970?

To be sure it is the same. Yet, over the last 52 years, it has not seen much success.

So what's the idea of creating Perkasa now and making the defence and propagation of religion and race sound like a newfound revelation that must be pursued with such immediacy and enthusiasm? Against what threat is the shield designed to protect? From where does this come from anyway? It is indeed a puzzle.
The truth of the matter is that people today are tired of KM leadership. It is so blatantly racist and theological that even Malays are embarrassed by it. Today's citizens think, listen, read, travel and demand more - they are better informed and knowledgeable, and reject racism and religious extremism.

They are also more aware of the situation around them. They are aware of the abuse of power, abuse of the NEP, corruption and the breakdown of institutions of governance. Civil society movements are agitating and demanding liberty and respect for universal human rights.

All this does not bode well for the KM leadership, considering the realisation that KM has not really fought for Malay dignity and honour. It has been fighting more to fill the pockets of a few and to protect a small number of politically-connected individuals.

The disenchantment was amply demonstrated by the results of the 2008 election, leading to BN and Umno - the latter being the most active front for KM - losing the two-thirds majority in Parliament, and the Opposition gaining control of five states.

The influence of Umno is waning. Malays are running away from Umno, as are Chinese from MCA and Indians from MIC.

In other words, BN is in tatters. This is why Perkasa was hastily created - to stem this erosion of support.

Inherent illusions


This quick analysis and conclusion may or may not be right but, to me, it is entirely consistent with the facts and situations surrounding the formation of Perkasa.

I question why it is re-using the religion, race and nationalism card when this has been proven to be obsolete and irrelevant in bringing progress and change to Malay social and economic development. My scepticism is based on the following observations on KM-based thinking and its inherent prejudices and illusions:

• It claims to hold the monopoly on truth. Such thinking holds the view that Islam is the only religion approved by god and that other religions are false. This perception of exclusivity is, of course absurd, for religion is a matter of faith between an individual and his or her god.

• It caries the illusion that the Malay culture is the world's foremost culture, with its pristine budi bahasa and sopan santun coupled with a high sense of morality. Again this is an absurd, unilateral claim, for any culture has its etiquette and morality, no better nor worse than any other. It can be seen therefore that the KM norm is decked with hyperbolism - that being Malay and Muslim is the luckiest draw in the lottery of life.

• It can also be arrogant and has little or no tolerance for alternatives. Indeed its parameters have no avenue to realise its own mistakes. In short, it is black-and-white thinking: 'I am right therefore you are wrong. If you are not for me then you are against me.'

• It is a world of collective delusion of the superiority of the Malay culture and the uniqueness of Islam.
Well, the record of Malay governance has shown fairly conclusively that the religion- and race- based philosophy of governance has not worked. This is hardly surprising for any economics textbook will explain that the factors of economic production (or the creation of national wealth) are land, labour, capital and entrepreneurship. Of late, knowledge has been included. Further factors favouring the development of a civilisation are secularism, materialism and intellectualism.

Of these eight factors, none refer to race or religion. In concept and reality therefore, the KM formula for social and economic success is way off the mark. Indeed it has been a colossal mistake. The failure of the NEP is proof enough of this sobering contention.

I do not share the euphoria surroundimg the formation of Perkasa. I do not see how its claim to protect race and religion can promote Malay socio-economic progress. Ibrahim's declared intentions show all the promise of repeating the mistake and are an exercise in futility.

Given that this philosophy is no longer viable, it is still a wonder why Ibrahim still resorts to it. Can there be any reason for this? I have a hypothesis explaining his loyalty to a failed philosophy and ideology.



DPM Muhyiddin Yassin (courtesy of The Malaysian Insider)

There is a denial syndrome inherent in KM thinking, particularly since it lacks an avenue for self-realisation of mistakes. It will go on thinking that it has been right all along, and that other alternatives are figments of the imagination of anti-Malay elements.

KM brooks no dissent. Liberal and liberated Malays are quickly branded as ungrateful and 'mudah lupa' (forgetful). Non-Malays are also branded as ungrateful for not appreciating the hospitality of the Malays in giving them citizenship.

KM then states that non-Malays wish to deprive Malays of their rights, hence the birth of Perkasa.

Hidden agenda


Perkasa has claimed an immediate membership of 5,000, with another 50,000 ahead. It has the direct support of former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad and incumbent deputy premier Muhyiddin Yassin. And barely a week ago, the Home Ministry issued a permit for its newsletter.

Based on all this, the suspicion is growing that Ibrahim may have a hidden agenda. As to what this is, only he can say for sure.

In any event, Perkasa's future terms of reference are to recapture and nurture yesterday's status quo:

• Develop a herd mentality among Malays.

• Delay or deny the sense of individual from developing in Malay psychology.

• Promote the prevailing dependence mentality among Malays.

• Nurture the sense of insecurity normally felt by the KM polity, namely political leaders, the ulama, civil servants and officials in government agencies such as the police, military, customs, immigration, and even the police and AG's chambers.

• Make all of them feel that the Malay ethnic group is still not ready to compete against the non-Malays and the rest of the world on a level plain.

With all this revitalised, Ibrahim can put his secret agenda into action.



All said and done, Perkasa's birth reflects the real or perceived sense of desperation and paranoia of conservative and orthodox Malay thinking. Or, it is the rebirth of the spirit of 'Malayness' that has apparently dwindled over the past few decades due to the process of change.

It is the rebirth of the religion and race-based KM demon that does not know its game is up. And sad to note, in the name of religion and race, the KM demon does not want to learn from its own mistakes.

AB SULAIMAN is an observer of human traits and foibles, especially within the context of religion and culture. As a liberal, he marvels at the way orthodoxy fights to maintain its credibility in a devilishly fast-changing world. He hopes to provide some understanding to the issues at hand and wherever possible, suggest some solutions. He holds a Bachelor in Social Sciences (Leicester, UK) and a Diploma in Public Administration, Universiti Malaya.



[First posted 11 March 2010]

Wednesday, May 23, 2018

A terribly Messy Kerismas for Umno (revisited)



Umno is still trying to pin the blame for the bloody 13 May 1969 episode on the DAP (in other words, the Chinese). Notwithstanding widespread reports that machete-wielding, black-clad berserkers donning red headbands were brought in and out of Selangor in army and police field force lorries, there is no doubt that the authorities could have ended the violence within 48 hours - instead of allowing the carnage and tension to drag on for weeks - if they had had the political will to do so...

A few years years ago a young friend shared with me his unease about the next general election. "I have a gut feeling Pakatan Rakyat will win and Umno will stir up trouble," he said.

If he was hoping to get some reassurance from me that nothing so horrific could possibly happen, he would have been disappointed. My response was that the signs were clear - Umno knows it has reached the end of the line, but it refuses to get off the gravy train.

Fat man in a red suit not always Santa Claus!
Ever since Razak Hussein took over the reins from Tunku Abdul Rahman in the grim aftermath of May 13, Umno has been gorging itself off the fat of the land, riding on the NEP and an outrageous array of Ketuanan Melayu (Malay Supremacy) policies.

No need to go over soggy, rank-smelling ground. Umno's sins are legion, and an inordinate proportion were obviously perpetrated under Mahathir Mohamad's 22-year-tenure. Umno should have died and been buried in February 1988 - but Mahathir was way too ruthless and nipped in the bud an attempt by two former prime ministers to establish an "Umno Malaysia" without him.

It was all about the money then - and even more so now. When so much money is involved, the worst traits tend to emerge. Umno in general - and Najib Razak in particular - are in dire straits. They can see the bold graffiti on the wall: the younger, street-savvier generation of Malays are no longer inclined to be whipped into a mindless frenzy by issues of race, religion and royalty. They are far more interested in freedom and social justice.

Umno's support base has been reduced to just a small band of rowdies and bullies - many of them moonlighting as policemen and goons-for-hire. Even its rural voter base of FELDA settlers can no longer be taken for granted - their children are beginning to wake up to the fact that they have been systematically robbed by smooth-talking Umno warlords who claim to have the Malays' interests at heart.

Is the army behind Umno? It's safe to say that the top brass are behind Najib. As defence minister for two terms, Najib had ample opportunity to line the pockets of high-ranking officers and make sure their retirement benefits were well taken care of. However, if the army is called out in the event of a national emergency, the rank-and-file troops may be disinclined to open fire on multiracial crowds for fear of injuring their own friends and relatives.

Alice slays the Jabberwocky of race-based politics
The Bersih 2.0 Rally for free and fair elections put to rest the specter of May 13.

That was its greatest achievement. After that pivotal date, Malaysians are uniting against corruption, social injustice, and demanding their civil liberties. While Umno and its fascist offshoots Perkasa, Isma, Pekida, (and a purulent plethora of ostensibly "Islamic" agencies like Jakim and Jais) remain mired in the ugly rhetoric of race, religion and royalty, everybody else has moved on.

So, even if Umno attempts to revive its May 13 scenario after it loses the next election, it can only send a few hundred rempit into the streets to create an atmosphere of tension. Nobody else will be provoked to join the fray. You can't start a full-scale "race riot" without participants. What can the rempit do except burn a few cars and overturn some trash cans?

Everyone who isn't still in a cultural trance or living beneath a coconut shell knows what sort of dirty tricks Umno is capable of and is unlikely to fall for any race-based sandiwara  it attempts to stage, post GE14. Even if Umno's armed thugs manage to inflict injury on a few hapless bystanders - the rest of the population will take cover and refrain from retaliating. How long can a bunch of mindless thugs roam the empty streets before they tire of their aimless rampage?

The SupremeTransformer, 1Nazjib
Sure, Najib can twist the Agong's arm and declare a national emergency... but such a desperate ploy can only backfire on his corrupt regime. No nation can maintain a state of emergency for more than a few weeks. And then what?

Without people going about their everyday business, everything grinds to a halt. This would be akin to a massive hartal (general strike) which some of us have been trying to organize - only this time the hartal would be thrust upon us by an evil and massively unpopular regime that has just lost an election. Well, if such a situation arises, it would only prove beyond any shadow of doubt that Umno/BN has lost its legitimacy - and even if it seizes this opportunity to arrest and imprison all Opposition leaders, activists and bloggers, it will only be signing its own death warrant.

So let's put it this way: should we continue voting Umno/BN just because we fear the dire consequences if we don't? Or should we pit our fearlessness against Umno/BN's fear? 

I'm willing to concede that we may have to embark on a national reconciliation exercise - the way it was done in South Africa during the tenure of F.W. de Klerk, when many police officers received formal pardons in exchange for their confessions and corrupt ministers were let off if they agreed to return a fair percentage of their ill-gotten gains to the national treasury.

CHEERS! HERE'S TO A BRAND NEW BEGINNING IN 2018!
Cartoon by Edward Koren/New York Times
[First posted 24 December 2011. Reposted 24 December 2013, 24 December 2014 & 24 December 2015]



Monday, April 9, 2018

THE SULTANIZATION OF UMNO LEADERS ~ by Hussein Abdul Hamid


Here's an excellent essay from blogger Hussein Abdul Hamid that expands on exactly what I've been saying in recent months about Umno...

OVER THE YEARS we have seen UMNO assuming the role that was once the prerogative of the Sultans of the various states in Malaysia. It was a process started by the British and ironically concluded by the Malays themselves, albeit through UMNO. These tendencies towards Sultanization have evolved over the years to what it is today – an UMNO president living in splendid isolation in a grandiose palace called Sri Perdana in Putrajaya, surrounded by all the trappings of wealth and power. But I am getting ahead of myself.

The quest by UMNO leaders towards their own Sultanization began with a partiality to ostentatious consumption: Zahid Hamidi's very costly watches, silk shirts, expensive suits, really expensive cars, and grand houses. Khir Toyo’s palace is the manifestation of these tendencies to a tee. The Prime Ministers motorcade, the legion of people that seems to surround him everywhere he goes, and the splendid, splendid office at Putrajaya is all par for the course. Of course, to maintain this lifestyle on their meager salaries as Ministers and YB’s means that they are all susceptible to corruption on a grand scale.

Personalization of authority

In Malaysia all power resides with the Prime Minister. In the state the Mentri Besar title says it all – BIG Minister. This concentration of power in the PM at the federal level and the MB at state level can only give rise to the politics of patronage and nepotism, as all largesse flows from these leaders. The wholesale change that is the norm whenever there is a change of these individuals gives rise to the ‘make hay while the sunshine’ mentality. So where the Sultan was ‘king’ in his state, it is now the Mentri Besar that dispenses favor to the Sultans – in business opportunities, in extending credit to pay gambling debts, in keeping under the lid the excesses of the Royal family.


Historical Identity

Like the Sultans who are normally descended from an immediate family tree – UMNO too are comfortable with accepting its leaders when they are descended from families closely associated with UMNO - possibly with the exception of Mahathir – because his Indian background precludes that possibility. But at times, even when your Father is a Class-A leader, his genius will skip a generation or two. How else can you explain Najib and his cousin Hishammuddin?

For now the Sultans still cling to being the head of religion in their own states. But we can see this too is increasingly becoming the function of the religious authorities – whose salaries and appointments are the function of the central government – controlled, for now, by UMNO. So, effectively, even in these areas UMNO will have a say if not absolute control to do as it wish – with just a passing nod to the Sultans as a mark of respect.

So in reality these UMNO leaders – have not only taken power from the Sultans but have also assumed the Sultanization of their own selves in the very mould of the Sultans that they have now deposed in everything but name.


The Malays have always been loyal to their Sultans and are expected to obey their commands unquestioningly. We are all aware what Hang Tuah had to do to appease his Sultan: kill a loyal friend, Hang Jebat. I do not think any Malay today would want to kill a loyal friend for a pretender to the throne that calls itself UMNO. Not when the Sultanization of these pretenders was done without due consideration of the rights and aspirations of the Rakyat.

Hussein Abdul Hamid

[First posted 23 September 2009, reposted 8 January 2014]

Wednesday, August 30, 2017

For Your Merdeka Reading... (repost from 7 years ago)


An excellent essay that brilliantly summarizes and puts into clear focus the geopolitical circumstances that led us into the present political morass...

The Origins and Evolution of Ethnocracy in Malaysia

Geoff Wade


The Malaysian government has 28 federal ministries. If one examines, for example, the staff of the Ministry of Culture, Arts and Heritage (Kementerian Kebudayaan, Kesenian dan Warisan) as provided on the Malaysian Government official portal website, one arrives with the following figures for officers (pegawai): Malay: 351 (96%) Other: 14 (4%) Total: 365 (100%)

The Minister of Defence (Kementrian Pertahanan) administration officers website details staff of the Ministry (excluding armed forces staff). Of the 692 persons listed, 670 or 96.8 percent of the total are Malay.

The Malay-ization of the entire public service and defence forces was apparently the aim of the Mahathir government, as complete control over the public administration is an important aspect in achieving and maintaining Malay ethnocracy.

Mahathir went further than this. He strove to create a completely Malay capital, by moving government departments to the administrative capital at Putrajaya, where today only civil servants (Malay) and their servicing economic partners (mainly Malay) live and work. It is today an essentially Malay city.

[I recommend that you read the entire essay here.]



What are you really celebrating on Merdeka?

By Steve Oh
Monday, 30 August 2010

"This coming Merdeka will you be writing something about our country?" the unexpected question came in an e-mail from an old friend I hadn't seen for awhile. "Do e-mail me a copy if you do," he wrote.

I feel ambivalent writing on Merdeka. Between the mainstream and online news lies the balanced truth, as Malaysians today go through the angst of political change. The one who uses the pen instead of the sword must draw blood without destroying. And like the surgeon who heals, he or she has to make the incisions.

Malaysia is a young nation. It is still a work in progress. And young nations need the discipline to focus on the vision of the founding fathers and the genesis of their existence even as they adapt to changing times. The danger of not changing is fossilization. And fossilization is the result of being regressive.

"In many counsellors there is victory," says an old proverb. The late President John F. Kennedy had the knack of tapping into the brains of those in his cabinet and committees. He always listened and weighed carefully what others said. That according to some observers was his forte.

It is something we all need to do. It is something governments need to do.

There is conventional wisdom that if you want results employ those who are smarter than you. Sadly fear makes people do the opposite. And it is fear that makes people treat their neighbours shabbily and governments take a hard approach when they should be more understanding.

A non-muslim goes to a surau with an olive branch and good intentions. But the Pharisees pick on this hapless politician. A Malaysiakini report says she is going to apologize to the Sultan. Why? What has she done wrong? This is an example of a regressive approach and political opportunism: the nit-picking and making a mountain out of a mole hill to score political points. Sadly there's too much of it.

We reflect on the past that we may be wiser now and in the future.

And as I reflect on the past I am hopeful there is a silver lining in the cloud. Sometimes people can't learn except from their mistakes. It is a painful way when prevention is better than cure. And sadly, some people never learn from past mistakes. Thus the saying 'those who don't learn from history are wont to repeat the mistakes.'

[The rest of this essay is no longer found in the Center for Policy Initiatives online archive, sorry!]

[First posted 31 August 2010]

Monday, August 14, 2017

Zahid Hamidi: the primate alpha male that would be prime minister (updated)

Political animal: Ahmad Zahid Hamidi (photo: The Malaysian Insider)

In the late 1990s Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, former disciple of Anwar Ibrahim, was one of Umno’s young turks impatient for power and glory. In 1998, as an Umno Youth divisional chief, Zahid led a campaign to expose corruption and cronyism within the party. Their real target, of course, was the colossus of money politics, Dr Mahathir.

But Mahathir deftly turned the tables on Zahid by revealing the goodies he had received from pro-Anwar business tycoons. When Anwar got fired in September 1998, Zahid Hamidi was among his close supporters in the nascent Reformasi movement.

Following another street demonstration against Mahathir, Zahid Hamidi was arrested under the ISA along with many others, but was quickly released, after he caved in and denounced Anwar as the main instigator of the rebellion within Umno. Although he resigned as Bagan Datoh Umno Youth chief, Zahid remained an Umno member and began plotting his slow but steady return to political favor.

Born-again Umnoputra

The finger-pointing game
In 2004 after Abdullah Ahmad Badawi won a landslide victory, Zahid Hamidi got his break as deputy minister of tourism. He began studying for a doctorate from UPM to upgrade his political credentials. After the March 2008 election which saw BN lose its coveted two-thirds parliamentary majority, Zahid was promoted to full minister in the PM’s department. When Najib Razak took over from Abdullah Badawi in April 2009, a cabinet reshuffle saw Zahid Hamidi appointed defence minister.

Before entering politics, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi was a banker with OCBC, and he later became a director of Bank Simpanan Nasional, as well as Permodalan Nasional Berhad (PNB).

There is no doubt that Ahmad Zahid Hamidi (born 4 January 1953 of mostly Javanese ancestry) is a political animal through and through in the traditional Umno warlord mode. Having nearly got derailed early in his career by backing the wrong horse, he became a born-again Umnoputra, throwing his lot in with whichever faction had the advantage.

Umno Youth leaders Khairy Jamaluddin & Hishammuddin Hussein laugh their heads off

As defence minister Zahid Hamidi took the heat off his boss Najib by making a big noise over the Scorpene scandal, although he himself was never directly involved in the deal. 

In appreciation Najib offered him the powerful home ministry portfolio, after Najib’s cousin Hishammuddin Hussein made a big fool of himself, especially with his heavy-handed mishandling of the Bersih rallies. Hishammuddin took over the defence portfolio, where he could maintain a lower public profile, while safeguarding his cousin’s interests in terms of ongoing arms deals.

Family scandal

Almost as soon as he stepped into his new office as home minister, Zahid Hamidi began shooting from the hip by talking tough and taking vindictive action against organizers of PKR’s Black 505 rallies, following upon the disappointing results of the 13th general election - which opened the public’s eyes to the fact that BN had stolen almost every election since Mahathir’s ridiculously extended term as PM through shameless gerrymandering, rigging of the electoral roll, and postal votes.

Less than a month into his new job, Zahid Hamidi was hit by a major scandal when news broke that a businessman named Amir Bazli Abdullah had filed assault and battery charges against him dating back to January 2006 – when Zahid had allegedly punched Amir at the Country Heights Recreational Club in Kajang. 

On a different occasion, Amir claimed that several men abducted him from a petrol station and took him to Zahid’s residence where the deputy minister and other male relatives gave him a severe thrashing. (“They beat me with rocks and other objects. They even threatened to put me in a gunny sack and bury me.”)

Amir Bazli Abdullah showing the clothes he was wearing
when Zahid Hamidi allegedly assaulted him
Zahid Hamidi arrived at the court hearing in full ministerial glory, with police outriders, bodyguards and a huge entourage of supporters. The businessman Amir Bazli Abdullah (who had been dating Zahid’s married daughter) was pressured into settling out of court for an undisclosed amount, after a closed door session with the sessions court judge where no lawyers were allowed.

Amir Bazli with lawyer Gobind Singh Deo
Amir Bazli Abdullah had engaged Karpal Singh and his son Gobind Singh Deo as his lawyers, knowing full well he was up against the Umno mafia which invariably protects its own. 

In any civilized nation, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi would have voluntarily resigned – or at least taken a long leave of absence pending trial. Not so in Bolehland where the powerless are deemed guilty unless proven innocent, while the powerful are never found guilty at all, not even of cold-blooded murder (except in one recorded instance in 1982 when Culture, Youth & Sports Minister Mokhtar Hashim was convicted of murder, but subsequently pardoned by the Agong after he had served some time in prison).

"They even threatened to put me in
a gunny sack and bury me"
Gobind Singh Deo was reported to have said: “I reiterate my urging to the prime minister to suspend Ahmad Zahid Hamidi as the home minister pending trial. I will also raise the matter in Parliament. The allegations against him are serious in nature and they extend beyond assault.” We have seen that any issue of serious import that threatens Umno bigwigs is invariably rejected by the Speaker as trivial.

In July 2013 Amir Bazli Abdullah changed his mind about an out-of-court settlement with Ahmad Zahid, and sought to nullify the sessions court’s mediation in the sordid affair. He admitted to having been thoroughly intimidated at the time by what he was up against.


Next imbroglio

Zahid Hamidi has since stunned the nation with his reckless remarks at an Umno ceramah in Melaka where his speech was secretly recorded by an opposition assemblyman. Zahid told his audience that 28,000 of the 40,000 gang members identified are Indians, and that there was nothing wrong in detaining them without trial.

"What is the situation of robbery victims, murder victims during shootings? Most of them are Malays. Most of them are our race. I think the best way is that we no longer compromise with them. There is no need to give them any more warning. If we get the evidence, we shoot first," the home minister reportedly said.

That’s cowboy talk, not something one would expect hearing from a home minister - and for Zahid’s Umno colleagues to rush to his defence by brushing his speech off as routine grandstanding on the campaign trail reveals their cavalier attitude towards ministerial accountability. It is obvious that Zahid Hamidi has been riding on the crest of a fresh surge of communal sentiments stirred up by BN’s poor electoral showing in the past five years.

Low-grade saber-rattling

Following Dr M’s tried and tested strategy of playing off the Malays’ insecurity against the impatience of Chinese voters for an end to racial discrimination, Zahid has taken on the role of the new Umno strongman.
Najib Razak and his powerful spouse, it appears, would rather take extended working holidays at enormous public expense where he can pose as the moderate, reasonable leader of a peaceful, harmonious Muslim-majority nation while she gleefully goes shopping and hobnobbing with celebrities.

Indeed, Najib seems quite relieved that he can delegate the low-grade saber-rattling to his newly minted home minister, whose impressive lead in the recent Umno vice-presidential polls indicates that he has become a serious contender for the president’s post.

In the eyes of Umno’s semi-literate, rent-seeking rank-and-file, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi may well be the next messiah – the straight-talking, chest-thumping, fang-baring primate alpha jantan (virile male) they can look to, who will save them from being overwhelmed by infidels, liberals, pluralists, reformists, and those of indeterminate gender – but, above all, from Anwar Ibrahim’s ascendancy to power.

Ahmad Zahid Hamidi has now to overcompensate for his own testicular frailty in 1998 when he betrayed his mentor Anwar Ibrahim and sheepishly returned to the Umno fold. True, he was much younger then and still relatively new to the shark-infested waters of Umno politics. But Zahid has paid his dues as a true-blue Umno warlord by mortgaging his conscience to political expediency.




Without a conscience to call his own, what does he have to lose? He has everything to gain by embracing the role of the next Umno godfather – now that the original godfathers like Mahathir Mohamad and Daim Zainuddin appear to be well past their use-by date. However, as recent developments attest, some old tigers never lose their bite. At the ripe old age of 92 Mahathir Mohamad is once again at the forefront of Malaysian politics, leading the charge against his erstwhile protégé, Najib Razak, also known as Mr Pink Lips or the infamous kleptocrat MO1.

Zahid Hamidi's assault and battery case seems to have been quietly buried – just like his embarrassing attempt in December 2014 to defend international gambling kingpin Paul Phua against an FBI investigation. A few weeks ago, Zahid Hamidi found himself in deep shit once again when Dr M slyly revealed that Zahid had seen him privately to seek his support in a possible coup against his boss Najib. This triggered vigorous denials and public displays of solidarity among Umno's top-rank warlords, but it has exposed yet another huge crack in Umno's defences. The fact that Najib was prompted to create a special position for his cousin Hishammuddin Hussein, facilitating his candidacy as the next Umno president, indicated that there was little real trust between him and his deputy.


At this juncture Najib cannot afford to abruptly dismiss, sideline, or sack Zahid Hamidi who is influential among Umno's underworld elements. Indeed, there is ample reason to suspect that Zahid may well be a secret chief of Tiga Line, a clandestine association of Malay gangsters allied with Umno.
Mahathir Mohamad & Zahid Hamidi: Supermamak vs Java Man (pic courtesy of Malaysiakini)

The only real obstacle in Ahmad Zahid Hamidi’s path to power and glory, ironically, is the unstoppable Mahathir Mohamad, who will have his way - even if it means shocking everybody by forming an electoral pact with old nemeses like DAP's Lim Kit Siang and the imprisoned Anwar Ibrahim, who remains the most popular prime minister candidate in the event a new federal government wins the day.

[From Malaysia Chronicle, 3 November 2013, reposted 13 January 2014]



Friday, August 11, 2017

Malaysia under UMNO ~ morphing from Apartheid to Nazism (updated)


UMNO is now hell-bent on serving only Malays. After all the Malays now form about 60% of the population and UMNO is going to increase the figure to 90% if not 99.99%. UMNO wants to make sure Malaysia is turned to a country just for the Malays.

The non-Malays can “balik negeri” (go back to their ancestral lands). After all, the Malayan peninsula was dubbed Tanah Melayu, not Tanah Cina, not Tanah India, not even Tanah Asli. Never mind that the term “Melayu” is more a political construct than a tribal grouping (like the Orang Asli) - since Malays comprise a diverse mix of genetics ranging from Austronesian, Micronesian, Sulawesian, Javanese, and Sumatran to Cambodian, Chinese, Thai, Filipino, Burmese, Indian, Turkish, Yemeni, and Arab. In the last century, a generous amount of Anglo-European DNA has also been added to the cocktail.


Indeed, the name Malaya derives not so much from being the Land of Malays as it does from the Tamil word for mountain, malai. As recently as 13,000 years ago, you could walk from what is now Peninsular Malaysia to Sumatra and Java. As the last glacial period ended, around 10,800 BCE, the sea level rose as much as 360 feet, creating what colonial geographers call the Malay Archipelago. 

In effect, Tanah Melayu is merely an unfounded claim – so long as a single Orang Asli insists he or she is NOT Melayu. Which is why the Orang Asli Affairs Department (JAKOA) has taken on the mission of systematically “assimilating” the Orang Asli through conversion to Islam. An anthropologist wryly noted that the Malays want the Orang Asli to become Malays – so they themselves can lay claim to being Orang Asli!

The fact that the United Malays Nationalist Organisation is better known as UMNO than Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu or PKMB reveals its colonial origins. The British worked out a deal with the Malay aristocracy, represented by Tunku Abdul Rahman, which would grant a semblance of political independence to Malaya – while allowing Britain to retain a firm grip on Malaya’s rich natural resources.


In short, UMNO was founded on a gigantic deception. That’s why they tend to spend so much energy and money on propaganda, hype and braggadocio, to cover up their deep-seated insecurity. Originally, the bulk of UMNO members were schoolteachers, junior civil servants, fishermen and farmers. By the time the party was declared illegal by Justice Harun Hashim in February 1988, it was largely populated by contractors, small entrepreneurs, and professional rent-seekers.

In its new incarnation as UMNO BARU, it became an extension of Mahathir Mohamad’s insatiable lust for wealth and the power it brings. A breed of instant Bumi billionaires was artificially created by Mahathir, with the help of his finance minister Daim Zainuddin, as a personal power base. 

This gave rise to the UMNOputra or nouveau riche ruling elite who began to taste the intoxication of seemingly limitless wealth, luxury, and political influence. 

Every UMNO warlord who made his first million desired to imitate the regal lifestyles of the Sultans – so they went on to making their first billion - or, rather, stealing it.

To maintain their grip on the national purse-strings, they needed the unquestioning support of the rural Malays, whom they began to deliberately dumb-down by manipulating the education system and controlling the mass media. Having replaced English with Malay as the medium of instruction, they realized the advantages of effectively keeping the rural Malays monolingual and monocultural – insulated from outside influences and sheep-like in their religious indoctrination.

The various stages of UMNO’s strategy

Initially UMNO sought independence with the support of all the races. The British taught them how to divide and rule by establishing race-based political parties like the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) and Malayan Indian Congress (MIC). There weren’t enough Eurasians to warrant a Malayan Eurasian Party; and the humble Orang Asli were a long way from demanding their own political lobby.

Lee Kuan Yew announcing Singapore's departure
from the Federation of Malaysia, 9 August 1965
For the first ten years, the nation progressed smoothly and grew into a larger political federation with the inclusion of Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo (now Sabah). It didn’t take long for the Malay elite to realize that with Singapore’s entry into the equation, the Chinese community would become much larger than they felt comfortable with. Lee Kuan Yew’s vision of a powerful modern state driven by business acumen, drawing on vast natural resources, and cosmopolitan in outlook stirred deep unease among the UMNO elite.

They knew the Chinese would soon control the economy – as they already did the urban areas – and the Malays would be at a severe disadvantage, because of their strong attachment to traditions which made them reluctant to embrace globalism - unlike the Chinese, Indians and Eurasians who, as migrant races, were far more open to foreign ideas. Singapore had to be expelled before the Yellow Peril could take root.

Abdul Razak Hussein
In 1969 a cabal of educated middle-class Malays in UMNO were seized by chauvinistic fervor. They became impatient to wrest power from the traditional elite, the Anglophilic Malay aristocracy symbolized by Tunku Abdul Rahman. 

Their own Sultans were so enamored of British culture, they often spent more time in London visiting the Queen than in their own states. Indeed, Sultan Abu Bakar of Johore was rumored to have been Queen Victoria’s secret paramour, and in the UK he preferred to be called Albert Baker.

Stirring up existing tensions between the Chinese and Malays was easily accomplished and this led to an outbreak of racial violence triggered by UMNO’s poor showing in the first nationwide elections held on 10 May 1969. 

This was the golden opportunity the young Malay nationalist cabal led by Razak Hussein had been awaiting. If the riots had been a spontaneous eruption of racial animosities, the police and military forces could have established a strict curfew and brought the violence under control within 48 hours. Instead, the killings were allowed to go on for several weeks with a total loss of life and property that has never been fully tallied.

With Razak Hussein taking over from Tunku Abdul Rahman, UMNO began to remake the nation after its own chauvinistic and opportunistic image. The New Economic Policy was introduced, followed by a National Cultural Policy aimed at sidelining “foreign” cultures. Soon the Biro Tatanegara (National Ideology Bureau) was initiated to indoctrinate civil servants with the spurious concept of Ketuanan Melayu (Malay Supremacy). 

Taib Mahmud
In Sarawak where the robber baron Taib Mahmud reigned unchallenged as Chief Minister for 32 years, UMNO was unable to gain a foothold. With a majority population of Orang Asal (indigenous tribes) – many of whom were Christianized by missionaries during the days of Rajah Brooke – the only way UMNO could make its oppressive presence felt was through attempts to turn them into Malays, just as they have been doing with the peninsular Orang Asli. 

To achieve this, UMNO had to first discourage them from practicing Christianity – hence the brouhaha over the use of Allah in the Malay-language Bible or Alkitab.

Even as hollow slogans like “1Malaysia” were coined at enormous expense, UMNO’s apartheid mentality has become increasingly obnoxious and overt – especially since losing its two-thirds parliamentary majority (again) in March 2008. Efforts to instigate a fresh round of racial violence after the 12th general election quickly fizzled out because Malaysians across the racial spectrum have become far more savvy since the internet destroyed UMNO/BN’s absolute monopoly on newspapers and television.

No longer is it possible to pretend that it’s about Malays versus Chinese. Enough Malays have become educated and well-traveled to realize that it’s really about integrity versus disintegrity.

Nothing to do with race or religion – and even less to do with royalty, which most Malaysians have come to accept as an unfortunate fact of life that can only be redressed when enough of us view ourselves as Malaysians.

UMNO is not at all worried about the brain drain - even though many who have migrated elsewhere include a large number of Malays, the ones with ability, intelligence and integrity. After all, UMNO depends entirely on compliant, semi-literate, rent-seeking Malays with an inferiority complex to maintain its voter base – and, alas, there are still vast numbers of these around, even after two generations of special privileges and preferential treatment.

UMNO is bad by design and for a purpose

Part of the post-1969 UMNO agenda was to completely dominate the economy, making it difficult for non-Malays to succeed in business. This UMNO attempted to achieve by setting up so many bureaucratic obstacles that the non-Malay business community was compelled to resort to bribery. 

Having accepted the bribes, they then turned around and accused the Chinese of being  a corrupting influence. UMNO itself, of course, has acquired a species of magical immunity to corruption – mainly by planting cronies in key law enforcement positions.

UMNO knows it is corrupt, dishonest, arrogant and extravagant - but will never admit it. With the rise of an educated, well-informed, urban middle class clamoring loudly for reform, UMNO’s only response has been to revert to heavy-handed authoritarianism, clamping down hard on dissent and setting loose the police on the political opposition and activists – instead of on increasingly powerful crime syndicates, the real threats to peace and security.

Even as Zionist Israelis learned from the Nazis how to oppress the Palestinians, UMNO Malays have learned from the Zionists how to go the whole hog towards fascistic Nazism. 

It appears that the Great Transformer, Najib son of Razak, has only managed since 5 May 2013, to transform Barisan Nasional into Barisan Nazional – with a little help, of course, from a hand-picked Attorney-General, Home Minister, and Inspector-General of Police. 

Published 3 November 2013 in Malaysia Chronicle [First posted 14 January 2014; reposted 18 September 2014 & 25 February 2016]